Marriage Equality by William N. Eskridge
Author:William N. Eskridge
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Yale University Press
Published: 2020-08-14T16:00:00+00:00
Lessons from the 2012 Referenda
The DeBoer and Rowse family in Michigan had not been very politically engaged, but 2012 was different. President Obama had come out of the constitutional closet for them, and nothing could have prevented April DeBoer, Jayne Rowse, and April’s parents from voting for the president on Tuesday, November 6. By midnight, his reelection was assured. Would 2012 be a reprise of 2008, when Obama romped and marriage equality tanked? It was not until the morning of November 7 that there was a clear answer.
Because Portland reported early, Question 1 raced off to a big lead in Maine, but supporters watched the lead erode as results from rural counties trickled in. Shortly before midnight, however, Mainers United declared victory, ultimately winning 52.7 to 47.3 percent. Minutes after that, the pundits concluded that, when all the votes were counted, Maryland would have decided 52.4 to 47.6 percent to ratify its marriage equality law. Support was strongest in Montgomery County and Baltimore, with Prince George’s County about even and the Eastern Shore and southern Maryland against. Two-thirds of women with children supported the law. Although black voters narrowly rejected it, the margin would have been much greater and would have sunk the law if it were not for the journey stories from Reverend Coates, Bishop Hickman, and President Obama.
Around 2:00 a.m. Central Time, it was official that Minnesota’s constitutional junior-DOMA, Amendment 1, was headed for defeat, 47.4 to 52.6 percent. The Twin Cities, their suburbs, and Duluth anchored the no vote; the state’s northern ridge and other rural areas supplied most of the yes vote. The presidential and initiative-opposing coattails brought Democrats back into majorities in the Minnesota legislature. Washington, the last state to report final results because so many were mailed, saw marriage equality triumph by the largest margin: 53.7 to 46.3 percent. King County (Seattle) and its suburbs voted yes by large margins, while western and southern Washington opposed Referendum 74. Marriage equality supporter Jay Inslee won the governorship, handily defeating a GOP critic.
As the Task Force’s Rea Carey told us, no one expected that marriage for LGBT persons would sweep all four states on election night. Among the most optimistic had been Marc Solomon, who predicted three out of four. Interestingly, their side’s wins were by pretty much the same margins everywhere, regardless of the state and its local politics, the organizational structure and dynamics, or the precise terminology and messaging used. So why did marriage for LGBT couples finally win at the ballot box?58
President Obama’s endorsement was helpful with black voters, especially in Maryland. More important, his campaign raised electoral turnout among young people, progressives, Democrats, and well-educated persons—all more likely to support marriage equality. Additionally, the Obama administration had fueled a constant stream of messages supporting the image of LGBT Americans as responsible citizens. Without the repeal of the military exclusion, Representative Kriesel would not have known that Corporal Wilfahrt was gay, and the experience of serving with him would not have changed Kriesel’s mind on marriage equality.
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